Suchergebnisse

The current Islamic resurgence, simply defined as the return of Islamic beliefs, doctrines, and values as a sources of personal identification manifested in personal, political, cultural, and social life, poses positions Indonesian Muslims in the an enduring struggle to reconcile between religious tradition and modern life. Canonical traditions and classical Islamic texts that prophesied prophesy the imminent coming of YaumulQiyamah(Armageddon) and their popular reception among Indonesian Muslims reveal how religious texts still have a powerful influence in shaping the way Indonesian Muslims perceive the world and how they deal with it.This paper seeks to address continuing scholarly debate on the interconnection of Islamic tradition and modernity in contemporary Indonesia. It deals particularly with popular books on millenarian topics published in the last 15 years. Millenarian discourse on the imminent coming of Mahdi (the Savior) requires and implies that Muslims to be strongly committed to perform all religious obligations as prescribed in the Shariah (Islamic law). Millenarian discourse on the coming of Dajjal (the Deceiver) and the spread of Fitnah (Confusion) and Jahiliyya (Ignorance) has also becomes an ideological tools to make a demarcating line between Muslim-ness and Kafir-ness, and between the so-called dar Islam (House of Islam) and darHarb(House of Unbelievers).

This paper deals with the politics of patronage and piety in local elections by examining the role of and dilemma faced by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia, in a local electoral competition. Focusing on the 2017 local election in Brebes, Central Java, this article confirms previous scholarly works' findings of widespread patronage distribution and the impact of rising religious conservatism on electoral competition. However, this paper shows that piety and patronage politics neither necessarily maintain oligarchic rule nor provoke intolerance and violence. The case of the electoral competition in Brebes reveals that Islamic organisations in Indonesia are not immune from electoral politics, and due to institutional weaknesses of most political parties in Indonesia, will likely remain important political players by mobilising support in elections at both the local and national level. In a broader context, Islamic mobilisation in local elections in Indonesia helps understand the emergence of pious democracy in democratic Muslim-majority countries.

In this paper, I contend that Sufism is only preoccupied with initiating new disciples and performing emotive religious rituals. By focusing on Naqshbandi-Haqqani, I argue that Sufi group actively involves in propagating its teaching to the general public. I also argue that Sufi movement actively involves in public campaign, along with other Muslim groups with similar religious outlook, to respond the perceived growing influence of Salafism and political Islamism among Indonesian Muslims. It represents contemporary public face of Sufism and Sufi activism in Indonesia. At the heart of the argument of this chapter is to examine collective efforts to maintain Sunni orthodoxy (Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah) as a dominant religious norm, reclaim Sufism as a legitimate voice within Sunni orthodoxy and general Muslim community, oppose to Salafism and political Islamism, and rationalise Sufism to academic community in Indonesia. This chapter will demonstrate that active propagation through the internet plays a significant role in generating new Islamic consciousness with greater appreciation toward Sufi tradition among Indonesian Muslims. Sufism contributes not only to shape public religious discourse/morality, influence consuming patterns of urban upper-middle class Muslims, but also maintain moderate and peaceful Islam in Indonesia.

In this paper, I contend that Sufism is only preoccupied with initiating new disciples and performing emotive religious rituals. By focusing on Naqshbandi-Haqqani, I argue that Sufi group actively involves in propagating its teaching to the general public. I also argue that Sufi movement actively involves in public campaign, along with other Muslim groups with similar religious outlook, to respond the perceived growing influence of Salafism and political Islamism among Indonesian Muslims. It represents contemporary public face of Sufism and Sufi activism in Indonesia. At the heart of the argument of this chapter is to examine collective efforts to maintain Sunni orthodoxy (Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah) as a dominant religious norm, reclaim Sufism as a legitimate voice within Sunni orthodoxy and general Muslim community, oppose to Salafism and political Islamism, and rationalise Sufism to academic community in Indonesia. This chapter will demonstrate that active propagation through the internet plays a significant role in generating new Islamic consciousness with greater appreciation toward Sufi tradition among Indonesian Muslims. Sufism contributes not only to shape public religious discourse/morality, influence consuming patterns of urban upper-middle class Muslims, but also maintain moderate and peaceful Islam in Indonesia.

This article explains the making of intra party coalition prior to and during simultaneous local direct election phase I in Central Java Province, held in 9 December 2015. Referring to and modifying from the current scholarly works on the coalition making and politico-ideological orientation of political party in Indonesia, it offers four typologies of intra party coalition which are small ideological coalition, small pragmatic coalition, grand ideological coalition, and grand pragmatic coalition. The case of coalition making in the local direct election in 21 districts/municipalities in Central Java Province reveals that political party is a powerful and irreplaceable political player in democratic setting. As a formal political institution, it is and will remain considerably influential in nominating and endorsing candidates to run in the local direct election.

In the last 20 years, the 'conservative turn' toward overtly Islamic identity in Indonesia paved the way for raising political Islamism. This political Islamism aspires to the continuing Islamization, implementation of sharia, and even the establishment of a global caliphate. Emerging Islamist forces such as Front Pembela Islam, Jemaah Tarbiyah, and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia along with the conservative turn, therefore, pose the normative-political challenges to both republican and liberal notions of citizenship. This paper deals with the question of religion and citizenship under the democratic space in contemporary Indonesia. By examining three variants of Islamic citizenship, religion vigilant, pragmatic, and rejectionist citizenship, this paper tries to address the following question: to what extent Islamism challenges the discourse of citizenship in contemporary Indonesia? We argue that while Islamism apparently rises and gains followers, the state and mainstream Muslim organizations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah), and their emphasis on Pancasila and commitment to NKRI successfully manage to reconcile Islam and citizenship under democratic space.